DISSERTATION
Control of Religious Freedom in Authoritarian States: Explaining China’s Selective Treatment of Christian Churches
Amidst the rapid growth of Christianity, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has taken numerous steps to control Christian churches. However, contrary to the expectation that persecution should simply target all unregistered churches, the Chinese government has selectively repressed Christian churches in a diverse and unpredictable manner. First, why are not all state-registered churches safe from repression, and why are not all unregistered churches repressed? Second, how should we understand and explain the government’s selective repression of churches in light of the recent changes in religious policies?
Through a three-part theoretical framework, I argue that selective repression occurs when actors at different levels of society are mired in relationships that motivate and constrain their decisions toward repression. Specifically, the central government can be lodged between domestic and international audience, juggling domestic control and international reputation which leads to selective control of religion; the local officials can be caught between the central government above and the society below as they selectively implement repressive policies; and the religious communities can be stuck between abiding by government rules and obeying God’s commands, which explains variations in their religious behavior and experience of repression.
I test these theories using a mixed-methodology approach. Using machine learning techniques on an original dataset of official news articles and sermon transcripts from a state-registered church in China from 2009 to 2020, I demonstrate that state repression through censorship changes in degree and topical composition depending on the domestic and international context at the time. Additionally, I use process tracing and qualitative case studies to illustrate that the local officials’ selective implementation of repressive policies varies with Party priorities and local relationships. Finally, based on insights from over 120 interviews I conducted with Chinese pastors from 2016 to 2019 and 30 supplementary interviews with missionaries and academics from China, South Korea, and the United States, I show that pastors choose a style of ministry that increases the risk of repression due to their beliefs about God and the government.
Explaining selective repression helps to understand not only the kinds of religious activities that are shunned upon by the state, but also the specific characteristics of civil society and particular ideologies that the government is unwilling to tolerate. Data collected from this “critical juncture” period will also reveal the extent of power that rests in the hands of Xi as he plans out his goals for China and its global position. At the same time, observing Chinese pastors as they react to a repressive government provides insight into the minds of the persecuted individuals as well as the innerworkings of a budding civil society. In this way, this research also contributes to the broader discussion of civil rights, repression, and state-society relations in the context of a strong authoritarian state.
PUBLICATIONS
Adapting in Difficult Circumstances: Protestant Pastors and the Xi Jinping Effect
with Kevin O’Brien, in The Journal of Contemporary China
To understand the consequences of Xi Jinping’s rise, one must look down as well as up. Even in the face of increased repression, people on the ground have a say over how it unfolds, and their accommodations affect the shape it takes. Many pastors in China are adapting to harsher policies and new ideological narratives by striving to lessen the threat Protestantism is perceived to pose. They are seeking to reduce 1) ideological competition, by not preaching about politics, dissociating themselves from dissidents, and expressing support for the China Dream, 2) security concerns, by striving to become financially self-sufficient, cutting off ties to foreign missionaries and calling for the creation of a truly Chinese church, and 3) collective action fears, by dividing congregations, avoiding networking, and viewing the small church model as part of God’s plan. Out of necessity and sometimes belief, they are finding ways to pursue God’s work within Xi’s strictures. In the course of adjusting Protestant practice and incorporating the China Dream and Sinicization of Christianity into their faith, they are aiming to show that they and their congregations can live with and are being steeled by repression.
WORKING PAPERS
Friend or Foe? An Analysis of China’s Deportation of South Korean Missionaries
with Myunghee Lee.
In Communist China, South Korean missionaries have been one of the main actors in leading the rapid growth of Christianity in the country. Despite their sizable contributions to earlier development in China, Korean missionaries have maintained an ambivalent relationship with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Moreover, the CCP’s strict control over the growth of Christianity has been manifested through increasing deportations and visa denials of foreign missionaries. What are the specific periods in which, and the patterns by which, the CCP has deported substantial numbers of South Korean missionaries, and what explains this variation in the CCP’s treatment of these missionaries? Based on an original set of interviews with Korean missionaries and missionary organizations, we analyze this rocky relationship between South Korean missionaries and the Chinese government by investigating the periods and patterns of concentrated deportation, and the circumstances that explain such government decisions in these specific periods. We find that the patterns of deportation change through a policy shift in 2018, and that this policy shift is explained by considering the cost-benefit calculations of local and central governments. This article reveals a novel perspective on China’s objectives in managing religion and foreign policy. In addition, this research carries significant implications not only for the future of religion in China, but also for the interstate relations between China, South Korea, and other relevant countries.
State-Registered Religion and its Threat to the Authoritarian State: Evidence from Chinese Protestant Sermons
What kind of a threat do state-sanctioned churches pose to the Chinese Communist Party? I propose three general ways in which a state-sanctioned Protestant church can pose a threat to the Chinese regime: first, the church can directly threaten the regime by propagating anti-government messages; second, the church can indirectly threaten the government by exposure to Western influences; and third, the church can promote civil society. Using text analysis on sermon content from a state-registered church in China, I measure these threats in terms of the church’s receptiveness to changes in the political and religious environment. I find that the church sermons do not reflect changes in the political calendar year and politically sensitive dates, while they do reflect changes in the religious calendar year. Based on my definition of threat in the context of China, these findings combine to suggest that China’s state-sanctioned Protestant church may pose a potential threat to the government by being receptive to Western ideology.